A HOMELESS flower vendor, asleep on a footpath in Karachi’s DHA area, was tragically killed when he and his young son were run over by a recklessly driven vehicle. This was not simply a ‘road accident’; the incident exposed an ever-present threat to the lives of thousands of homeless people who sleep on footpaths, bus stop benches, near shop fronts and in other public spaces. It is no surprise that Karachi, with its homelessness and rising crime graph, fared poorly on the recent EIU Global Livability Index.
Politicians want us to judge administrative performance by the allocation of funding. For instance, Sindh has announced an allocation of Rs108.1 billion for 822 development projects in Karachi, and the federal government about Rs10bn. Annual budgets for the main municipality and water utility stand at Rs60.45bn and Rs54.38bn respectively. So, with such allocations, why is Karachi ranked as one of the least livable cities? There are five main reasons.
First, the numerous institutions tasked to manage Karachi grossly lack the requisite capacity to do so. Development authorities, municipal corporations, lower tiers of so-called elected local governments, autonomous bodies, service delivery agencies, etc, have neither defined organisational roles nor the capacity to ease life for the residents they are mandated to serve. Take the case of the water utility. Random excavations and faulty development work along University Road routinely damage the water supply lines. Residents and shops are affected daily.
Instead of making arrangements in the form of water bowsers, the water utility looks the other way when these areas face disrupted supplies. And there is no mechanism to hold the erring officers and their superiors to account. The management of these institutions talks about the ‘benefits’ of certain projects, which, in reality, have little impact. And yet, donor agencies continue to fund such dubious initiatives.
Karachi needs continuous investment.
Second, many ongoing and proposed development projects only marginally solve the core problem. For instance, bus rapid transit is a flagship project that will cost taxpayers Rs500bn or more when all the planned corridors are developed. But on completion, it would account for less than nine per cent of total passenger trips in Karachi, which, until the 1990s, was well served by ordinary buses and minibuses plying on over 300 designated routes.
More than half the city’s population used them. Most of the buses were operated by private operators, with little expense for taxpayers. With simply an enabling environment and appropriate regulatory mechanisms, that level of service can be revived.
Third, like every large city, Karachi needs ongoing investment in its existing infrastructure. More than 10,000 kilometres of roads and lanes, thousands of kilometres of water supply pipes and sewers, bridges, culverts, embankments, service poles, footpaths, waste collection infrastructure and other entities need to be continuously repaired. Nothing of the sort happens. We keep talking about and inaugurating new projects but never consider earlier municipal investments. Frayed inauguration plaques by various governments are still seen next to facilities that are completely rundown.
Fourth, though Karachi’s residents bitterly criticise this state of affairs, they hardly mobilise for reform. In times of crisis, the public response is one of kindness, accompanied by acts of philanthropy. However, there are few instances of grassroots organisation to address the problems and challenges the city faces. As one learns, mobilisation begins through sustained dialogue and conversation within the communities. The addition of verified information guides this process. When people come together, they formulate options and negotiate for reforms with the powers that be.
Examples can be drawn from Latin American cities that rallied for ‘right to the city’ for the ordinary and underprivileged. A case in point is Brazil’s City Statute, a federal law that codifies this right. Brazilian cities are friendly towards the underprivileged.
Lastly, Karachi is no stranger to some outstanding homegrown urban innovations — such as low-cost sanitation and housing solutions — introduced by its social scientists and public intellectuals. But it has failed to replicate them on a larger scale. Such projects can transform the lives of the underprivileged. Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan, the architect of the Orangi Pilot Project, believed that sound public policy is built on successful local initiatives — and not through self-serving donor advice.
The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi.
Published in Dawn, July 24th, 2026
